On Mar. 24, 2024, Bassirou Diomaye Faye won the Senegal presidential election with over 54% of the popular vote. Less than two weeks prior, Faye and his prime minister pick, Ousmane Sonko, were in prison, serving their respective sentences. The events leading up to the election may appear to align with the prevailing stereotype of African politics: corruption and chaos. However, Faye has the opportunity to contrast his predecessor’s era of political unrest by validating and prioritizing the needs of his people.
Since gaining independence in 1960, Senegal has been considered a beacon of democracy, successfully resisting the wave of military coups that have plagued the African continent. From 1950 to 2023, 37 of the 54 African countries experienced a successful coup, reaching a total of 109 coups across the continent in the span of 73 years, decisively surpassing all other geographic regions. From 2020 to 2023 alone, Africa saw nine successful coups. West Africa, in particular, has seen its fair share of political instability and frequent military takeovers.
Senegal, on the other hand, is unique, experiencing a singular failed coup attempt in 1962. Instead, Senegal led the transition to democratic elections in sub-Saharan Africa. In 1980, Senegal experienced its first peaceful transfer of power, from President Leopold Sedar Senghor to Abdou Diouf. In 2000, Abdou Diouf lost the presidency to opposition leader Abdoulaye Wade, marking Senegal’s second peaceful transfer of power and their first transfer across party lines. The nation’s subsequent introduction of the separation of powers and presidential term limits further cemented Senegal’s position as a democratic trailblazer. Nonetheless, Senegal has still seen its fair share of political instability, especially since 2020.
Prior to Faye’s win, outgoing President Macky Sall had governed Senegal for 12 years. The last four years of his term were plagued with protests and riots, the most tumultuous of which began on May 31, 2023, in response to the arrest and conviction of Ousmane Sonko. Sonko founded the
African Patriots of Senegal for Work, Ethics, and Fraternity (PASTEF) party, a platform defined by its populist ideals and staunch criticism of the Sall administration.
When Sonko was sentenced to two years in jail, PASTEF supporters — predominantly members of the working class — took to the streets, building barricades and disrupting traffic in the capital, Dakar. The government’s response was swift and deadly: 500 protestors were arrested, and 16 were killed.
In addition to ordering Sonko’s arrest, the Sall administration dissolved the PASTEF party and forbade Sonko from running in the 2024 presidential election. With the prospect of a Sonko presidency off the table, the remnants of the PASTEF party turned to their “backup” candidate: Bassirou Diomaye Faye, a strong PASTEF member whose convictions were cleared by the passing of an amnesty law in March 2024. In many ways, Faye and Sonko were functionally one and the same, with Faye going as far as to campaign under the slogan “Diomaye is Sonko.” Both advocated for the working class and civil servants, groups disproportionately unsatisfied with Sall’s policies. Both were outspoken critics of corruption in the Sall administration, particularly concerning oil and gas contracts and management of Senegal’s robust natural resources. Both found themselves imprisoned for insurrection. Sonko’s conviction was catalyzed by his work with the PASTEF party and their criticism of Sall. As for Faye, his 11-month stint in prison was punishment for a Facebook post that was deemed a threat to national security.
Political unrest further compounded in early 2024, when Sall attempted to postpone the election from the pre-scheduled February 2024 to December 2024 — eight months after his term was set to end in April. Sall’s postponement was subsequently challenged in the Constitutional Council, Senegal’s highest court. Ultimately, the Council declared the decree unconstitutional, ordered Sall to schedule the election for the earliest date possible, and asserted that Sall’s term would end on Apr. 2, 2024.
In similar fashion, on Mar. 6, 18 days before the rescheduled election date, the Senegalese Parliament passed an amnesty law granting immunity to protestors indicted during the violent end of Sall’s presidency. Included in the beneficiaries of this law were Faye and Sonko, who were released just 10 days before the election. The pair were met with open arms. Over 5 million of the 7.3 million registered voters made it out to the polls, with 54.28% voting for Faye. Faye’s win was especially impressive considering 18 other candidates ran for the presidency — the highest number of candidates since Senegal’s independence from France.
In stark contrast to the censorship and tyranny imposed by the Sall administration, Faye and Sonko promise a brighter future for the people of Senegal. As founder of the now disbanded PASTEF party, Sonko pushed for a more independent Senegal, one that would cut ties with France and instead prioritize national interests. Senegal was a French colony from the 1600s until their independence in 1960, though French is still the official language of Senegal, and their exchange rate is fixed to the euro. PASTEF also took a decisive stance against corruption in the oil and gas sector, a move that challenged the Sall administration and contributed to their arrests.
Faye adopted similar campaign promises, pledging to reform oil and gas contracts, reevaluate and diminish French influence in Senegal, and change the Senegalese currency — another move away from France. Another priority of the Faye administration is reducing poverty and unemployment, both being significant struggles in a nation where 74.4% of the population falls below the poverty line of earning $6.85 USD per day.
During his first 100 days in office, Faye appeared to act on his campaign promises. To address institutional corruption, Faye initiated audits in the oil, gas, and mining sectors; public ministry accounts and coastal constructions; and within his government. Faye also addressed rising grocery prices, with the prices of bread, oil, and sugar staying stable through the start of his term. Additionally, Faye has played a key role in reducing tension and facilitating reconciliation between conflict-ridden West African states and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), a coalition from which Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso withdrew, over qualms regarding sanctions enacted by the coalition in response to political instability in the three nations.
Despite the prospect of peace and prosperity under Faye, it is too early to judge whether the new president will follow through with his promises. Even Sall, whose reign ended in turmoil, started with a vow to usher in an era of strengthened democracy. In his 2013 speech at the Harvard African Development Conference, for example, Sall promised to promote social justice and equity. Instead, Sall did the opposite. Largely due to censorship of media and news outlets, in the span of one year, Senegal’s rating on the World Press Freedom Index dropped from 49th place to 104th.
As is, Faye risks following in the footsteps of his predecessor. Last August, mere months into Faye’s presidency, Senegal woke up to a media blackout. In an act reminiscent of Sall’s suppression of the media, the Faye administration initiated a swift crackdown on media publishing by freezing bank accounts and confiscating equipment. Members of Faye’s team justified the decision as an attempt to address tax evasion and embezzlement in the media.
Looking to the future, Faye may not be the saving grace of Senegal. He may not be able to provide all of the political, economic, or social reforms that he promised. He may not be able to solve the unemployment crisis plaguing his people. Nonetheless, the mere fact that Faye was elected offers hope for Senegal. In the face of political turmoil and civil unrest, the people of Senegal were able to voice their concerns and elect leaders whom they believed in. Now, it is up to Faye to show his people that they put their faith in the right candidate.
