A European’s take on Islam in Western democracies
The Fear of Barbarians, by Tzvetan Todorov. Translated by Andrew Brown.
University of Chicago Press, 2010. $27.50, 200 pp.
On Nov. 1, gunmen affiliated with the Islamic State of Iraq, an al Qaeda umbrella group, massacred over 58 worshipers and police in an attack on a Catholic church in Baghdad. They reportedly called their victims “infidels” and taunted, “We’re going to heaven, you’re going to hell.”
Incidents like this make it tempting to see all conflict in the Middle East as part of a centuries-old religious war. In The Fear of Barbarians, Tzvetan Todorov, a Franco-Bulgarian philosopher, challenges this view. Todorov makes a compelling case that the West’s inclination to see a monolithic Islam promotes fear that hampers American strategic interests and undermines democratic values. Even if the practical import of his book may be hard to gauge, Todorov offers a fresh perspective on Western relations with the Islamic world.
Todorov enters the debate on Western-Islamic relations by challenging the views of Samuel P. Huntington, whose 1996 book The Clash of Civilizations argued that the fault lines of conflict in the 21st century would form around cultural differences. Many saw September 11, and the American response, as proof for Huntington’s thesis. Todorov acknowledges that many people oversimplify Huntington’s ideas, but he faults Huntington for laying the groundwork for an “us vs. them” mentality.
Todorov mounts his challenge to the “clash of civilizations” thesis with a criticism of Huntington’s concept of collective identity. Huntington famously argued that all inhabitants of Western civilization share a common heritage. Features of this heritage include Christian religious traditions and an emphasis on human rights and the rule of law. In Todorov’s view, this is an oversimplification. Even within supposed “civilizations,” there are often clear differences of cultural traditions and political values. The individual is born into a particular culture, and exposed to its various traditions, but this individual can make independent judgments in the case of moral or political ideals. For this reason, though democracy may have matured during the Western Enlightenment, it is not, Todorov thinks, exclusive to Western civilization.
A Moral Civilization
Todorov instead describes civilizations in moral terms that are universally accessible. A “civilized” person is one who fully recognizes the humanity of others, achieving a level of empathy that allows for the interpersonal cooperation necessary for a peaceful society. A barbarian, meanwhile, denies the humanity of those around him. Todorov classifies acts such as murder, genocide, and torture as barbaric acts.
In Todorov’s mind, what distinguishes the West from the rest of the world is not a political ideology or a persistent cultural identity. It is fear. Western Europe and America, which dominated the world for centuries, now cling to a diminishing base of political and economic power. As a result, the West has become suspicious in its dealings with outsiders. For Todorov, Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations is a manifestation of this fear.
After the September 11 attacks, fear seemed to be a perfectly rational response for the West. But Todorov argues that fear made us fight barbarism with barbarism. Like many before him, Todorov notes the contradiction of promoting democracy by force of arms. And in prosecuting our wars, the “fear of barbarians” has led us to adopt barbaric practices ourselves, in the form of torture.
An Outsider’s Perspective
The Fear of Barbarians comes from a distinctly European perspective. In the face of xenophobia and fear of Muslim immigration, Todorov proposes a radical solution: a restructuring of Europe’s collective identity. Europeans should assign less importance to tradition, and more to moral values such as tolerance and equality. By granting equal status to other cultures, Europe can be a leader in acting out the ideals of liberal democracy. With high immigration rates and high Muslim birthrates, finding a workable common ground is not just morally right, Todorov thinks, but increasingly urgent.
While these views are logical and eloquent, their practicality is uncertain. True, collective identity is in a constant state of flux. However, centuries of tradition and cultural heritage are hard to cast aside. In 2007, French President Nicolas Sarkozy established the Ministry of National Identity, partly in response to growing fear of France’s increasingly visible Muslim minority. Nationalism is still a potent force across Europe, perhaps stronger than Todorov acknowledges.
Still, this English translation deserves attention just for its view on one of the most controversial issues of the day: the Islamic world’s relationship with the West. American political discourse is rarely affected by outsiders in this manner, which is a shame.
Todorov intends for this book’s themes to transcend the question of toleration of Islam. He sees the current challenge as a test of the values of democracy. A proper management of this conflict, in his view, could solve many of the more general challenges of multiculturalism.
Eric Hendey ’14 is a Staff Writer.
