On June 23, Albania held its fourth regular parliamentary elections since the country’s fragile democracy was established in 1990 — elections that were of utmost importance for this small, eastern European country, as they would not only make or break its economic and political future, but also indicate how ready the nation was to become a candidate for membership in the EU. So far, Albania has not had much luck in the matter, as its low GDP per capita, high rate of poverty and relatively poor infrastructure have hampered the country’s prospects.
As is typical for Albania, even a week after the elections, there are still votes yet to be counted, and the process was marred by violence in some locales. But despite all the messiness, the winner was clear. The Socialist Party (PS), with its leader and future prime-minister, Edi Rama, and its left-leaning coalition won 58 percent of the national vote. The Democratic Party, and the current-prime minister of Albania, Sali Berisha, who has been in power for the past eight years, only 39 percent.
The elections were a mandate by most standards, and despite his costly campaign, Mr. Berisha understood the message that the country sent to him. After 20 years in Albanian politics, during which his past crimes had been forgotten, he decided to retire from the public spotlight, paving the way for a new parliament and a new, perhaps better Democratic party.
The Fall of the Rightists
Berisha’s government had its faults, but it also had its achievements. From better infrastructure, to Albania’s joining NATO, it paved the way for a great amount of investment in the country. In the capital city of Tirana alone, three luxurious shopping centers were inaugurated, and the local electricity and telecommunications industries were privatized. New roads and highways were built, and since December 2010, Albanians have been able to freely travel for up to three months in most of the European Union.
Unfortunately, however, most of these ‘improvements’ benefited a only tiny fraction of the population, never translating into increased wellbeing for most citizens. Corruption scandals, natural disasters and a high, unofficial level of unemployment (as high as 30 percent, according to some calculations) were the PD’s and the rightist coalition’s downfall. All the money and employment that came from investments seemed to have gone into the pockets of politicians, and the welfare of most Albanians remained unchanged.
This year’s election was largely a rebuff to the frivolous ways of the Democratic Party. And several interesting trends were shown in these elections that both worry and excite political analysts. First and foremost, unlike the past elections, Albania was united in its opinion. In the past, the north and south were clearly divided, with the northern regions going to the Democratic Party, and the south remaining loyal to the Socialists. This time, 11 of the 12 regional districts went to the leftist coalition, even in regions believed to be filled with hard-core Democrats. Secondly, a considerable number of Albanians — especially among the youth — were focused more on debates relating to tax systems and employment, than they were on family allegiances.
Still, though Albanians have started to give their vote to minor parties, slowly increasing opposition power, this has, in many cases, not been for ideological reasons. For instance, the Socialist Movement for Integration (LSI), one of the major members of the leftist coalition, which managed to win 16 seats in Parliament and ten percent of the votes, is rumored to have been paying and offering job opportunities in the new government for citizens who voted for the party. And it did not matter that the leaders of LSI were accused of multiple scandals only a year ago, when it used to rule in coalition with the DP; confronted with the opportunity of a job and cash, many chose security over ideology. It is hard to blame them, considering that the average Albanian only makes roughly $4,029 a year.
So Much To Do, So Little Time
With the PS and its coalition in charge, Albania is bound to change, even though Edi Rama is far from the ideal leader. As mayor of Tirana for many years, he pursued many reforms that, to a certain degree, changed the city for the better. But he was also hopelessly corrupt. Often, he was violent, unpredictable and hot-headed, with a past tainted by personal troubles that have hampered his public profile. Most Albanians voted him in as the lesser of two evils, prompted by eight years of very few changes. At the same time, 58 percent of Albanians trusted him and his coalition with the future of the country. Let us hope that Mr. Rama will be able to pay them back for this trust.
There’s much still to be done in Albania. The country is poor, and beyond the capital city, people live in misery, with their most basic needs unattended — be that electricity or clean water. Unofficial unemployment is high, and twenty years of indecision have hampered everything from the educational system, which is now an unrecognizable hybrid between the French and American models, to a non-functioning healthcare system. The leftist coalition that will rule the country for the upcoming four years has much to do, and for the first time Albanians have shown that they will punish those who fail to fulfill their promises. This change in the culture of Albanian politics has been gradual, but the rise of smaller, most centrist parties has been deeply felt in these elections.
The Socialist Party has to be careful. The Albanian state might have not changed profoundly, but Albanians certainly have. As the population shakes off the vestigial chains of Communism, and the country matures, they will not be fooled again.
Image credit: albanianblogger.com
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